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American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science by John Krige

By John Krige

In 1945, the us used to be not just the most powerful monetary and army energy on the earth; it used to be additionally the world's chief in technology and expertise. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technology in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar clinical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the United States. They mobilized political and fiscal aid to advertise not only America's clinical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly conflict political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this test at medical dominance by way of the usa will be visible as a sort of "consensual hegemony," concerning the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this inspiration to research a sequence of case reviews that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technology Committee, and influential participants of the medical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia college and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize clinical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations examine. He info U.S. aid for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's learn exhibits how consensual hegemony in technology not just served the pursuits of postwar ecu reconstruction yet grew to become in a different way of protecting American management and "making the area secure for democracy."

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13 Marshall did not limit his offer to Western Europe; it was also open to countries from Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. “Our policy,” he said, “is directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation and chaos. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation . . ”14 This was seen as one possible way of luring countries like Hungary and Czechoslovakia out of the Soviet orbit. It was also intended to defuse criticism of the scheme by the Communist parties in France and Italy, who were extremely hostile to the United States.

32 Certainly though, the point of the plan, as we have seen, was not merely, or perhaps even predominantly, economic; it was psychological, political, and ideological. 33 The hegemonic regime that resulted was, as I have stressed, coproduced. The European elites who implemented the plan accepted, sometimes with reluctance, its broader geopolitical and ideological objectives and in return maintained a measure of control over how it was put in place and adapted it to local circumstances. Notwithstanding sometimes violent criticism from the left, they retained legitimacy at home while negotiating the implementation of the plan with the United States and its emissaries.

J. S. 92 Finally, we have a report written in May 1949 by a scientific liaison officer, T. 93 The difficulties faced by Italian physics after the war, as reported to the ONR, are typical of the situation in that country with respect to support for science as a whole. They dramatically reveal the chasm that had opened up between the United States and Italy between 1935 and the late 1940s. In a little more than a decade the brilliant group in Rome led by Enrico Fermi went from being world leaders in the study of nuclear disintegration to being dispersed, demoralized, and hopelessly underfunded.

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